Health and Social Care within the British Welfare State

Health and Social Care within the British Welfare State The 1843 Poor Law was created because the middle and upper classes were coming to the conclusion that the local taxes they were paying were supporting the poor to be lazy and avoid work so many complained wanting a change to the current system. The new poor law sounded good as the poor and homeless would be sent to work houses being clothed and fed, even children would get some education there and they would have work for several hours a day. The work houses were not as accommodating as that; the people were treated as slaves, as if they were being punished for being poor and the work was hard and often dangerous. The workhouses would be an object of fear for the poor, families would be split up, they suffered from poor diets and any medical needs were not met. Many were outraged and spoke out against the poor law. Richard Oastler was one of those who spoke out against the poor law and fought for reform of the factories. He said: â€Å"I will use all my influence in trying to remove from our factory system the cruelties which are practiced in our mills. (Chaplin, A. 2009).† Anthony Ashley Cooper, 7th earl of Shaftesbury fought for factory reform for improved working conditions and in 1847 the changes to the factory act were improved and over the years kept improving to try and stop any worker being exploited. The great wars gave medical specialist a new image of stardom from the people of Britain because of their courage on the battle field and treating those back home. The first Great War praised the actions of the orthopaedic surgeon preforming impressive lifesaving medical procedures where ever they were needed. By World War 2 there were advances in medical, factory and motorised machinery leading to new challenges for medical professionals to deal with a new range of injuries. The orthopaedic surgeon now shared the limelight with other medical specialists now being recognised for their work. During the interwar years plastic surgeons were developing their skills and maintaining their specialist identity; their profession was now in high demand treating burn victims which was now an injury that affected a high amount of individual during WW2 because of the petrol driven means of transport; this also called for a high demand for burn specialists, cardiologists and thoracic surgeons who now had to treat patients who have been crushed by vehicles of war and machinery. A more modernised society was producing more ailments where the health care had to develop to meet the needs. The end of WW2 now recognised the importance of rehabilitation, this was not the situation after WW1 but now occupational therapists and physical medicines were sought after. The poor living conditions and the constant threat of danger caused a high number of soldiers and civilians to suffer with a psychiatric disorder and requested the need of psychiatric help. More than A third of military officers suffered with a mental disorder. WW2 created more opportunities for pathology as Penicillin ‘the miracle drug,’ cured wound infection, STDs and relieving a range of life threatening disease. The improved health of soldiers and gave them a morale boost and boosted the idea of creating more medicines to cure diseases. (Hardy, A. 2009) After 1945 Britain’s economy needed reconstruction so Britain wanted an influx of immigration labour. There was a large population growth which did lead to a shortage of social houses and from 1946 to the 1960s there was a baby boom leaving the system overwhelmed with the rapidly growing population. Sir William Beverage wrote the report Social Insurance and Allied Services in 1942 which became the blue print for the modern welfare state. â€Å"The Beveridge Report aimed to provide a comprehensive system of social insurance from cradle to grave. It proposed that all working people should pay a weekly contribution to the state. In return, benefits would be paid to the unemployed, the sick, the retired and the widowed. Beveridge wanted to ensure that there was an acceptable minimum standard of living in Britain below which nobody fell. (The National Archives. 2009).† â€Å"It was this report that identified the five ‘Giant Evils’ the government should fight namely: ‘Want, Disease, Ignorance, Squalor and Idleness. (Sir William Beveridge Foundation. 2012).† The public welcomed the idea with open arms and could not wait for it to be put into action but their current government the conservatives which was led by Winston Churchill missed his chance to ap ply any of the Beveridge report as he put all his focus on the war giving labour the chance to tell the public that they would implement this law if they were to get elected. In 1945 Winston Churchill lost the election even though his leadership helped win the war but it was not enough to keep him as prime minister because the British people were desperate for a better quality of life and equal health care, no longer have to go to struggling charity hospitals or only the working to be aloud treatment. (Addison, P. 2005). Labour now ran the country and led by Clement Attlee, his minister of health was Aneurin Bevan who would work hard to pass the national health act. Aneurin Bevan had a lot of opposition his main adversary was DR Charles Hill of the British Medical Association and organised a vote amongst all doctors to vote for or against the NHS, 85% were against and all those who were for were bullied for it and they created propaganda for the media to turn the public against the NHS. The doctors wanted to keep their status of independent contractors and not become civil servants. The working and middle classes were in support of the NHS, only 13% was on the side of the doctors. Aneurin gained support of Lord Moran the president of the Royal College of Physicians who controlled the consultants and the charity hospitals they were at this time destitute and Aneurin would support these hospitals with tax funding if he had support from his medical staff. The remaining doctors decided to join the NHS da ys before the start of the act as they realised all patients would be joining the NHS leaving their clinics soon to be empty. 1948 the National Health Act was implemented. The medical system realised how people were suffering with conditions who could not afford the healthcare. The hospitals were full and patience were requesting a lot of treatment as so many conditions were far gone they needed a lot of care even babies were in terrible conditions, before the NHS babies had a high mortality rate. (Rick, B. 2008). The NHS continued to improve and parliament discovers that it was impossible to cap its spending as medical techniques and equipment was always evolving. â€Å"Bevan foresaw this in speaking on 2nd June to a Royal College of Nursing conference. ‘We shall never have all we need, he said. Expectations will always exceed capacity. (Rivett. G. 2014)†. In 1965 there was an investigation into the local authorities in England and Wales; in 1968 this report was published by Fredrick Seebohm. He believed the current system was inadequate and a new more family orientated system should take its place and work for the individual and could work long term. He wanted it to be better than the current services but will be able to provide those services that are already available like â€Å"the childrens departments, the welfare services provided under the National Assistance Act 1948, educational welfare and child guidance services, the home help service, mental health social work services and other social work services provided by health departments, day nurseries, and certain social welfare work currently undertaken by some housing departments.† Local authorities should be able to assess a situation immediately and be able to provide for them out of what provisions they have in their own area. This improved social services department will be provided with training and staff will gain a social worker qualification and there will be specific jobs like field staff and residential staff. 11. (Seebohm, F. 1968). In 1970 the Local Authority Social Services act was implemented making it mandatory for every local authority to have a social services department and should adhere to the functions set by the secretary of state. The LASS act 1970 will work alongside the National Health Service Act 1946, the National Assistance Act 1948 and the Children Act 1948. Local authorities would also follow this act as they would their Health Visiting and Social Work (Training) Act 1962 and Health Services and Public Health Act 1968 and refer to all acts when to fulfil their authorities function. There is a 22 year difference between the NHS act and the LASS act this could be that before the NHS act the attitude of certain groups thought that the poor were a burden, brought their situation on themselves and even some G.Ps did not like to treat those in the slums. So health care was a priority to bring society to a stage of good health and good living conditions so social services could come in and have the provisions to work with and encourage wellbeing because the previous ill health of those who couldn’t afford to get it treated gave a low chance of living long lives for the working class. Social services would not be able to make their assessment if people were not able to be diagnosed by physicians or psychiatrists and a social worker does not have the medical training to diagnose a person and then people would go without help. Also working class and a high number of middle class were ill, suffering neglect from the state and malnourished if this was the norm in so me parts of Britain what could that area’s local authority do if the poor living conditions were that vast and what would be a case for social services to step in would be the how certain people had to live due to their financial status. In 1979 Margret Thatcher a conservative leader and a Neo-liberal became prime minister after winning the election against Labour as it was said their bad leadership lead to the country being in debt. Unlike her labour predecessors Thatcher opposed some of the ideas of the Beveridge report and reformed the NHS for it to become more of a market where the patients become customers and encouraged people to go private. She created the National Health Service act 1980 which promoted privatisation. This concerned the public who still wanted to keep their NHS the way it was but the waiting lists got longer and certain wards started to close. Health boards became purchasers and would have contracts with different medical drug companies to be able to purchase the best value for money. After Thatcher ‘the cradle to the grave’ ideology has not be looked back on. (BBC NEWS) The Barclay Report 1982 identified the unrealistic expectations of social workers and how society and the media would complain when these expectations were not met. Barclay saw two distinctive elements to social work: counselling and social care planning. He encouraged the idea of partnership between service users, families, statutory services and voluntary services and also to seek networks of care in the service users’ community. (Blewett, J. 1997) John Major was next after Thatcher in 1990 and continued with the reform of the NHS. Under conservative leadership â€Å"eight English Regional Health Authorities abolished from April 1996 and replaced by eight regional offices of a new NHS Executive, based in Leeds. Likewise, 100 new Health Authorities (HAs) replaced the previous structure of District Health Authorities and Family Health Service Authorities, the aim being to reduce bureaucracy and improve services. With no regional structure in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, responsibility was left with health departments at national and local trust level. (BBC NEWS). â€Å" Labour comes back into power 1997 with Leader Tony Blair who believed in ‘the third way’. The third way’ or New Labour was the combination of the best features of the USA and Continental Europe economic dynamism and European social inclusion and bring them together. (Powell, M. 2008). Pressures from Scottish and Welsh Labour parties led to a political commitment by labour to transfer the powers from the Scottish office to a Scottish Parliament giving the ability to now pass primary legislation in those areas and from the welsh office to a National Assembly for Wales, administering and financing them within a frame work of Westminster legislation. Scotland and Wales now had the power to create health, education, housing and training department’s government by their own parliaments and Assembly and this system became a lot more organised. There are differences in some of the services of the NHS in other regions compared to England. In Wales and Scotland presc riptions are free but in England people are charged, ‘The National Institute for Health and Care Excellence’ is responsible for cost efficient medicines and equipment for England and Wales based but its ‘The Scottish Medicines Consortium’ that is in charge of that in Scotland and only in Scotland was the NHS car parking char abolished. (Hicks, R. 2013) Chancellor George Osborne gave his autumn statement 2014 sharing his plans for the NHS. Osborne has announced that he will be funding the NHS an extra 2 billion a year and a â€Å"new  £300m a year fund for kick-starting GP innovation†. The issue is is this too little too late, the NHS has been suffering for a while and is believed this extra money will be spend half way into the year on its shortfalls due to budget cuts. David Cameron quoted Thatcher by saying NHS spending was ‘safe in his hands’ but reports say the NHS has never been in such a worse state. Elizabeth Evans

Analysis of the Postal Rule

Analysis of the Postal Rule

The Dark Side Of The Nation Cultural Studies Essay

The Dark Side Of The Nation Cultural Studies Essay This paper chooses two articles namely Indian Country: Essays on Contemporary Native Culture by Valaskakis and Himani Bannerjis The Dark Side, of the Nation: Essays on Multiculturalism, Nationalism and Gender, to try and compare and contrast the theoretical approach that the authors of the two articles have used. In the first article Indian Country: Essays on Contemporary Native Culture, by Valaskakis, the author uses a cultural studies approach to present a distinctive view on Native cultural conflict and political struggle both in the United States and Canada. She reflects on traditionalism and treaty rights, Indian princesses, museums, art, powwow, media warriors and nationhood. Writing on Land in Native America by Valaskakis, the author depicts the Indian Country as concurrently evoking collective experience, a sacred space and physical land in which the individual interacts within these dominions. In the second article The Dark Side, of the Nation: Essays on Multiculturalism, Nationalism and Gender, by Himani Bannerji, she presents an anti-racist, feminist, Marxist assessment of multiculturalism as a means for the white Canadian select few to oppress immigrants, whites, non-whites, women, and other minorities. She notes how the selected few use constructions like community and culture to dominate while hiding at the back of the liberal-democratic nuances of multiculturalism. In the Valaskakis essay, The Paradox of Diversity, the author notes how the language of multiculturalism (i.e. women of color, visible minority) restrains nonwhite persons. The difficulty is not that such identifiers be present, but that they indicate a need to manage and control non-white Canadians. The contradiction is that multicultural language serves the objective of Whites to track ethnicity and race rather than the interest of noticeable minorities. The authors of these narratives are trying to defi ne what indigenous thought is by putting forward extensive arguments based on the various societies each has focused on. In this paper, we try to explore on each authors point of view with an aim of getting a clear meaning of indigenous thought. Both authors have critically approached their argument and have presented it in a clear and flowing manner that has assisted in the effective construct of the authors theories as well as their overall thought process in the paper. The most basic idea in both the papers is the presentation of the indigenous thought and the critical race theory. The indigenous thought: So what do I mean when I talk about Indigenous thought? First, let us start with what indigenous thought is not: Indigenous thought is not the self-serving and naive idea that anybody who digs his or her hands in the dirt has indigenous understanding. I am referring to the modern-day knowledge that arises from countless generations of people living in relation to a particular land and seeing it as the foundation of all their relations. By land, I reach further than any simple material idea to the emotional, intellectual and spiritual dimensions thereof. Land includes streams and rivers, wind and air as living beings in our existence. Indigenous thought is founded in a profound understanding that we all exist in relation to land. Whether we are dwellers of the city in deep denial or Aboriginal people drawing on old customs to regenerate new awareness, we exist in relation to land. We bundle up when the snow comes, we protest when spring is delayed, we breathe deeply and refurbish our souls when the sun warms us into a new season. For an effective statement on Indigenous thought, I draw on the writing of Valaskakis, Gail Guthrie in her essay Claiming Land in Native America. She argues that land is hardly ever understood as a discursive place of Indian experience imagined, lived and remembered and an enduring place of Native political possibility. According to Valaskakis, the continuing contests that yarn through the connotation of constructed representations and endorsed ideologies of Native people and other North Americans involve underlying issues and images of land in Canada and the United States: continental territory- privatized, settled, developed, explored, reserved, mapped, idealized, imagined and contested. According to Valaskakis, the Native claim to recognize rights to the land is a lawful move to resolve the wrongs of the past; but to Native people, land claims have at all times represented more than territorial access to resources and expansion. The Natives claim that the land belongs to them, for the Great Spirit gave it to them when he put them there. The Natives believe land to be their ancestral right and this gives them the rightful ownership of the land since their fore fathers found the land and settled in it before anyone else. The Natives say they were free to come and leave and to exist in their own way and they were free to practice whatever it was that they believed in. However or rather unfortunately, the white men who belonged to another land, came upon them, and forced them to live according to their ideas and practices. The political struggle over land is covered in a complex of contradictory representations, different cultural constructions and oppositional discours es. For example, when we look at the Cree dispute over the extension of hydroelectric projects in Northern Quebec, the interwoven discussions that disclose native and nonnative relationships to the land are both essential and complex. It is a struggle that has unraveled a complex braid of conflict between radically different knowledge systems and representations about the land and territory, progress and survivability, rights and justice- the latter two couplets hitched to differing commitments of nationhood and its attendant cultural and political desires(Valaskakis 90). According to Valaskakis, in the combined heritage of struggle and resettlement of reservations, land allotments and resource exploitation, the meaning of land that comes out in the lived understanding of present practice of Native people is interwoven with images of enduring indigence, forced acculturation and painful displacement. Land is essential in the modern-day culture of Native America; and today, its meanin g is discussed in the discursive building of emerging heritage, contingent history and modern practice in the stories Native people tell that convey empowerment linked in expression to Native political struggle and traditional practice with nonnative and with one another. Today, the Native sense of unity is an idiom of collectivity that goes beyond place-centered society to the oneness of pan-Indianism. As new formations of Native community emerge in the academic, professional, social and urban areas of Indian Country, Native identity and culture are recreated in narratives of past practices and places, transformed and experienced today in pan-Indian rhetoric and rituals. These are not the homesick words of cultural tourists or the heartbreaking pleas of homeless migrants who are removed or displaced from their cultural or territorial roots, but the voices of Native North Americans who identify home in the emergent re-territorialized creations of Indian Country. These stories that reclaim place and people, reconfigure land as terrain, terrain that represents not only communal, spiritual experience but also familiar colonial experience. What makes us one people is the common legacy of colonialism and Diaspora. Central to that history is our necessary, political, and in this century, often quite hazardous attempt to reclaim and understand our past- the real one, not the invented one (Valaskakis 98). This reveals a continuing disagreement over the meaning of land in Native and North America. Land is linked to contingent identity and history absorbed in the discussion of territory and spirituality, worked in the power of privilege and politics. The meaning of land appears in the cultural practice and historical specificity of Native North American life worlds. It is endorsed and worked upon every time Native people fish or hunt, visit the graves of ancestors, plant gardens, offer tobacco to spirit rocks or recognize the interrelatedness of these understandings of everyday life. However, the meaning of land is also articulated in the stories people tell about ceremony and heritage, places and people, loss, conflict and travel. The ownership of land and the meaning of land was not only expunged and devalued in the policies that came forward to eradicate or acculturate Indians. Native practices and expressions entail not only space but also time, both of which are essential to the political and spiritual construction of Native culture. The Native perceptive of space emerges as a governing construct that not only establishes time but also builds Native ideology, community and spirituality in relation to land. Both tribal cultures and the Native perceptive of shared relations are situated in space rather than time. Indian religion, ideology and history, come out in interaction with a given land and its life forms, in a lived reality of space that is hard to differentiate in the non-Native analysis. A Native communitys experience or observation of land, environment and place, gives rise to the Indian spiritual stories and myths that create the tribal sense of the past. Land, as noted by the author is the essential issue defining possible ideas of Native America, whether in the past, present or future. An intensely held sense of unity with given geographical en vironments has provided and continues to give the spiritual reinforcement allowing cultural unity across the entire variety of indigenous American societies. Critical Race Theory: Analyzing the critical race theory, we see that it draws upon paradigms of inter-sectionalism. Recognizing that racism and race work with and through ethnicity, sexuality, class and nation as systems of power, contemporary critical race theory often depends upon or looks into these intersections. The opening essay in the Dark Side, of the Nation: Essays on Multiculturalism, Nationalism and Gender The Paradox of Diversity, portrays a critical race theory. Bannerji argues that the label women of color a slogan herself uses is caught up in many of the dynamics that anti-racist feminists are fighting. Reviewing both British and US literature on multiculturalism and race, the author explains how the official policy of multiculturalism of Canada despite its significance, actually worsens the absurdity of this originally American expression. Bannerji argues that the term women of color is a pleasant and vague label that extended throughout option politics in the 1980s and 1990s. It signaled to race as color, created a name for building alliance among all women, and gave a feeling of vividness, brilliance or brightness of a celebration of a difference. However, this dialogue tightens political agency and becomes a piece of thought that removes class and the critical and hard edges of the notion of race. Using Louis Althussers concept of ideological state apparatuses, Bannerji examines how the discourse of diversity allows the Canadian state to cope with real economic, cultural and social tensions while retaining its vital capitalist, liberal individualism and camouflaging its historic colonialism and explicitly racist past. Taking her cue from Antonio Gramsci, the author argues that these dynamics of state supervision need to be evaluated in relation to civil society and everyday values, practices and ideas that include classifications of people. Thus, a phrase like women of color that may hold a remedy to liberal pluralism actually becomes a re-named edition of plurality, so vital to politics and concept of liberalism in which a color-coded self-discernment, an identity declared on the semi logical foundation of ones skin color, was rendered pleasant through this philosophy of diversity. While the central argument of the essay is that the discussion of multiculturalism, with women of color as an indicative example, obscures the daily and political actualities of women facing the racism of white privilege. Bannerji is not reproving or simplistically discarding it. Rather, she is evaluating under what circumstances this discourse has developed, and most notably, revealing how it might limit future struggles and possibilities. Bannerjis discussion of the label women of color demonstrates that the language, descriptions and categories we use are not just ideological expressions of power entrenched in economic disparities. Rather, they construct meanings themselves. They are a realistic activity and serve to either control power relations or offer new possibilities. Bannerji explains in the essay that to imagine a society entails making a project in which difference could be appreciated. She also assumes that the source of this divergence is just cultural difference. However, this hindrance is the outcome of a difference that has its roots in race. It is at this point that multicultural discourse is created. As mentioned by the author in the essay this multicultural discourse is founded on the difference, a difference that is created by contrast and comparison of the possible Canadian subjects: But color was translated into the language of visibility. The latest Canadian subject covering social and political fields was appellated visible minority, accentuates on both the aspects of being non-white and, therefore, visible in a manner whites are not and of being politically minor players (Bannerji 30). Although the vocabulary, of discrimination and exclusion has changed in the Canadian framework, the cause of the problem remains the same, and as a result, continues to have an effect on the everyday lives of immigrant communities in Canada. In addition, the terms of diversity and multiculturalism are exclusively agreed upon by the power that is dominant and, therefore, set up an uneven power imbalance. Based on Bannerjis essay, one could argue that the reputation of Canada as an ideal multicultural civilization is nothing more than a false impression of social and political acceptance and not in actuality a certainty on the ground. In addition, in this false impression of tolerance and acceptance of ethnic minorities, the cultures of immigrants who are white from the preferred class of immigrants, are much more renowned than that of nonwhite immigrants. As argued by the author and others like her, discussion of multiculturalism has resulted in definitional authority over nonwhite im migrants living in Canada with consideration to their socio-political and ideological location in society. Their distribution as visible minorities in Canadian society officially reduces them to a class that is deemed less powerful and, therefore, mediocre to the dominant White class. By bringing both, the critical race theory and indigenous thought together, I intend to outline the central doctrine of an emerging theory that I would call Tribal Critical Race Theory to tackle the issues of Indigenous People in the United States. I have put up this theoretical framework because it allows me to tackle the complicated relationship between the United States federal government and Native Indians. This theory emerges from both indigenous thought and Critical Race Theory and is entrenched in the manifold, historically and geographically located ontology and epistemologies found in aboriginal groups of people. Despite the fact that they diverge depending on space, place, time, individual and tribal nation, there emerge to be familiarities in those epistemologies and ontologisms. This supposition will be entrenched in these familiarities while at the same time recognizing the variation and range that exists between and within individuals and communities. While critical rac e theory serves as a framework in and of itself, it does not deal with the particular requirements of tribal people because it does not address Native Indians liminality as either political and racialized human beings or the experience of colonization. Teaching both methodologies will involve covering various issues such as the United States policies toward Indigenous peoples, which are rooted in imperialism. We will also look at White domination, and a passion for material gain. We will also look at how aboriginal peoples have a desire to attain and build tribal autonomy, tribal sovereignty, self-identification and self-determination. We shall also look at the concepts of knowledge, power and culture and how they take on a new meaning when scrutinized through an Indigenous lens. This theory will look at the educational and governmental policies toward Indigenous people and how these policies are intimately linked around the problematic objective of assimilation. While critical race theory argues that racial discrimination is widespread in society, combining both critical race theory and indigenous thought methodologies emphasizes that colonization is prevalent in society while also recognizing the role that racism played. Much of what Tribal critical theory offers as an investigative lens is a more culturally nuanced and a new way of probing the experiences and lives of tribal peoples since making contact with Europeans over 500 years ago. This is central to the distinctiveness of the place and space American Indians inhabit, both intellectually and physically, as well as to the distinctive, sovereign relationship between the federal government and American Indians. My hope is that Tribal Critical theory can be used to tackle the variation and range of experiences of people who are American Indians. In page 115 Valaskakis quotes Gerald Vizenor and writes, The literature of dominance, narratives of discoveries, translations, cultural studies, and prescribed names of time, place and person are treacherous in any discourse on tribal consciousness (Valaskakis 115). Thus the Tribal Critical Theory provides a theoretical lens for dealing with many of the issues facing Native Indian communities today, including issues of language loss and language shift, management of natural resources, the lack of students graduating from Universities and colleges, the over representation of Native Indians in special education and supremacy struggles between State, tribal and federal tribal governments. Ultimately, Tribal Critical theory holds a descriptive power; it is potentially an improved theoretical lens through which to illustrate the lived experiences of tribal people. Tribal Critical based on a sequence of ideas, traditions, epistemologies, and thoughts that are augmented in ethnic histories thousands of years old. While I draw on ontologisms, traditions, older stories, and epistemologies, the grouping itself is new. As such, I anticipate that this article will instigate a procedure of thinking about how Tribal Critical Race Theory may better serve researchers who are unsatisfied with the methods and theories currently offered from which to study Native Indians specifically in educational institutions, and the larger society more generally. By drawing my attention to the distinction between Native Indian place-based and Western time-oriented understandings of the world, I have to learn not only the rather obvious scrutiny that most Indigenous societies embrace a strong connection to their homelands, but also the position occupied by land as an ontological outline for understanding relationships. Seen in this light, it is a deep misunderstanding to think of place or land as simply some material item of deep importance to Indigenous cultures (although it is important); instead, it should be understood as a ground of relationships of things to each other.  Place is a way of experiencing, relating and knowing the world and these ways of knowing often direct forms of resistance to authority relations that threaten to destroy or erase our senses of place. This, I would argue, is exactly the understanding of place or land that not only fastens many Indigenous peoples critical assessment of colonial relations of command and f orce, but also our visualizations of what a truly post-colonial affiliation of nonviolent coexistence might look like. Summary: By studying Valaskakis essay Land in Native America, I have been able to examine the role that place plays in fundamental Indigenous activism from the perspective of the native Indian community. I have to understand that even though native Indians senses of place have been tattered by centuries of capitalist-colonial displacement, they still serve as a familiarizing framework that guides radical native Indian activism today and presents a way of thinking about relations between and within individuals and the natural world built on values of freedom and reciprocity. I have learnt that one of the most important differences that exist between Western and Indigenous metaphysics rotates around the central significance of land to Indigenous modes of thought, ethics and being. I have come to learn that when ideology is divided according to Western European and Native Indian traditions this essential difference is one of great philosophical significance. Native Indians hold their lands Place s as having the uppermost likely meaning, and all their declarations are made with this reference point in mind. While most Western societies, by distinction, tend to get the meaning from the world in developmental or historical terms, thereby placing time as the description of central significance. Valaskakis essay The Paradox of Diversity, has expanded my understanding on race and racism. Although it has become everyday to converse about the diversity of Canada and other western cultures that have resulted from recent patterns of international migration, this article has drawn my attention to the idea that observing only country of origin or ethnicity offers an incomplete and ultimately deceptive approach to understanding present-day diversity. Conclusion: In conclusion, through the article, I have learnt some of the ways in which the removal of power relations in the creation of multicultural communities from above is mostly felicitous for the states and ruling classes which express their socioeconomic and ideological interests. This article has enabled me to examine what the idea of diversity does politically. I have come to learn that it is an evocative term that indicates heterogeneity without authority relations by abstracting difference from social and history relations. The term contains an unbiased appearance that is attractive for practices of control as the classed, gendered and raced social relations of influence that generate the differences drop out of sight, thus facilitating the blaming of individuals for their own disadvantage. This article has made me understand how the created relations between heterogeneity and homogeneity, or diversity and sameness, rely on the underlying idea of an essentialised edition of a colonial European turned into a Canadian. This Canadian is the agent and subject of Canadian nationalism and has the right to make a decision on the degree to which multicultural others should be accommodated or tolerated.

Microsoft Corporation (MSFT) Finance Paper :: essays research papers

Microsoft Corporation (MSFT) Company Overview Formed in 1975, Microsoft started by selling a BASIC interpreter which quickly established a reputation for excellence. As the popularity of Microsoft BASIC grew, other manufacturers adopted Microsoft BASIC's syntax to maintain compatibility with existing Microsoft BASIC implementations. Because of this feedback loop, Microsoft BASIC became a de facto standard, and the company cornered the market. Later, it tried (unsuccessfully) to extend their grip on the home computer market by designing the MSX home computer standard. In late 1980, International Business Machines needed an operating system for its new home computer, the IBM PC. Microsoft subsequently purchased all rights to QDOS for $10,000, and renamed it MS-DOS (for Microsoft Disk Operating System). It was released as IBM PC-DOS 1.0 with the introduction of the PC in 1981. In contracting with IBM, however, Microsoft had retained the rights to license the software to other computer vendors as MS-DOS. The now highly profitable and cash rich Microsoft diversified into a wide variety of software products including: compilers and interpreters for programming languages and word processors, spreadsheets and other office software some of these products were successful, and some were not. By the turn of the millennium, many of Microsoft's software products dominated the market in their respective categories. Microsoft has devoted huge amounts of effort to marketing in developing their products and services, as well as to the integration of their software products with one another in an attempt to create a seamless and consistent computing environment for the user. Analysis I.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Trend Analysis Liquidity Ratios: Current Ratio – For the last three years was growing from 3.56 in 2001 to 3.81 in 2002 to 4.22 in 2003. The reason of grow is increased in Assets. Even though Liability was growing, Asset grow was more significant. Quick Ratio – Constant grow for the last three years. From 3.56 in 2001 to 3.76 in 2002 to 4.17 in 2003. The reason of grow is constant increase in Current Assets. Cash ratio – Big drop (from .35 to .087) in year 2002. In 2003 the rate grew from .087 to .460. The reason of drop in 2002 is decreased in Cash and big increase in Liabilities. The increase in 2003 occurs because of big increase in Cash and slight increase in Liabilities. Asset Management Ratios Total Asset Turnover – Dropped from .64 in 2001 to .58 in 2002 to .55 in 2003. The reason is big increase in Total Assets.

Peru :: essays research papers fc

  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  PERU- PROFILE  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY Location Country in west central South America, bounded on the north by Ecuador and Colombia, on the east by Brazil and Bolivia, on the south by Chile, and on the west by the Pacific Ocean. The area of Peru, including several offshore islands, is 1,285,216 sq km (496,225 sq mi), making it third in size (after Brazil and Argentina) of South America countries. Lima is the country’s capital and chief commercial center. Topography Peru may be divided into three main topographical regions: The coastal plain, the sierra, and the Montana. The coastal plain is an arid, elongated stretch of land extending the entire length of the country and varying in wild from about 65 to 160 km. (about 40 to 100 mi) it is a northern extension of the Tacoma Desert of Chile. The plain has few adequate harbors. Most of the desert is so dry that only10 of the 52 rivers draining the Andean slopes to the Pacific Ocean have sufficient volume to maintain the flow across the desert and reach the coast. However, the coast is the economic center of Peru. Most of the Nation’s leading commercial and export crops grow in the 40 oases of the region. The sierra, an upland region with towering mountain ranges of the Andes, lofty plateaus, and deep gorges and valleys. The main range is the Cordillera Occidental; other ranges include the Cordillera Oriental, the Cordillera Central. The sierra, which covers 30 percent of the country’s land area, traverses the country from southeast and northwest. Several of the highest peaks in the world are located in the various sierra cordilleras and plateaus, notably Huascaran (6,768 m/22,205 ft), the highest in Peru. Lake Titicaca is in the southeast. In the northeast the sierra slopes downward to a vast, flat tropical jungle, the selvas, extending to the Brazilian border and forming part of the Amazon Basin. The mountain attains a maximum width of about 965 km (about 600 mi) in the north and constitutes some 60 percent of the Peruvian land area; it is covered with thick tropical forests in the west and with dense tropical vegetation in the center and east. Peru has three main drainage systems. One comprises about 50 torrential streams that rise in the sierra and descend steeply to the coastal plain. The second comprises the tributaries of the Amazon River in the mountain region. The third principal feature is Lake Titicaca, which drains into Lake Poopo in Bolivia thought the Desaguadero River

Rwanda Report :: essays research papers

Rwanda Report Rwanda is an African country in East Central Africa. Rwanda is just a very little degrees below the Equator which is not too shabby in my mind. Below the Equator would be in the south and so it is actually in south central. Get it South Central (get it)HA!HA! In Rwanda there are about seven hundred and ten per square which in my mind a whole lot of people I don't think even San Bernardino has that many but what do I know. Rwanda is twenty six thousand three hundred and eighty eight miles squared which in my mind is tiny but I'll say again what do I knows. So to figure out what the exact population of this measly little country you must multiply seven hundred and ten by twenty six thousand three hundred and eighty eight and you get a whole lot but when I looked in the book it said seven million two hundred twenty two thousand people. This enormous number doesn't look right but I am too lazy too get up and get a calculator too check so I'll take their word of it. The capital city in Rwanda is Kigali which is also the biggest city in Rwanda I can't find how big it is but it must be bigger than twenty miles square and under twenty six thousand three hundred and thirty eight square miles. The official name of Rwanda is called The Republic Of Rwanda. Rwanda is also landlocked which doesn't help much either. Since it is landlocked I will tell you which countries it is surrounded by on the north it is by Ughanda, on the east by Tanzanian the south by Burundi and finally on the west it is next to Zaire. Rwanda is one of the poorest countries in the world and it is one of the most densely populated country in the world. One of the reasons for Rwanda being in such a bad state of poverty is that there was a Civil war between the Hutu and the Tutsi which fought for stupid reasons. Well at least I think that they are stupid reasons but to them it was probably some serious stuff that they don't take very lightly. The Hutu are very short people that make up about ninety two percent of the population. The Hutu are not pygmies but they are very short people that are about three feet tall a piece which is about two feet shorter than I am and now that is pretty short in my mind.

Social Work Environment :: essays research papers

  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  I live in Hamilton County of Cincinnati, Ohio. I am originally from Toledo, Ohio, but decided to attend the University of Cincinnati (UC). There are currently more than 500 degree programs available at UC. UC runs year round quarters; there are three ten week quarters (September until June), and one ten week summer quarter (June until September). The student to faculty ratio is 19:1, based on a full-time equivalent. As of fall, there were 33,342 total students; 26,054 undergraduates and 7,288 graduate and professional students. There were 3,904 African American students and 1,556 international students. I live in a residence hall (aka  ¡Ã‚ °dorm ¡Ã‚ ±). I live on the seventh floor of Calhoun Residence Hall. It is located on 240 Calhoun St. directly across from all the fast food franchises, significantly Arby ¡Ã‚ ¯s. There are four other normal dormitories: Siddall, Daniels, Dabney, and Sawyer. There are two residence halls that are especially for graduate students, and international students. Calhoun is located directly across from Siddall. The other six residence halls are located on the other side of West campus mainly located on Jefferson Avenue. There is a new residence hall consisting of six different buildings being built for next year. It will be called Jefferson hall and only upper classmen will be permitted to live in it. It will be suite-style, meaning there will be a full bathroom and living area within each room. Calhoun is thirteen floors; one floor is a study lounge, and the remaining twelve are resident floors. Since Calhoun is co-ed by floor this year, there ar e eight floors of men and four floors of women. I live on the seventh floor and I share my room with one other woman. In my room, there are two beds (which are bunked), a refrigerator, two closets, two dressers, and two desks. On each floor, there is a small kitchen area. In the kitchen, there is a stove/oven, sink, drinking fountain, small table, and a microwave. There is a bathroom on each floor in which only the sex of that certain floor are permitted inside. In each bathroom, there are four toilet stalls, ten shower stalls (which are individual), and eight sinks. In addition, on each floor of Calhoun, there is one single room. In this room lives only one individual, however, the cost of that room is $300 more per year than the cost of the double rooms.